Dear All!
Please see a message on a special meeting to organize a National Culture of Peace Program in Canada further down.
Most warmly!
Evelin

A special invitation for our American friends.
I believe you will find our Canadian conference very helpful in giving you ideas for conferencing in the U.S., and the initiation of a National Culture of Peace Program.

There are 4 days left to take advantage of the Early-Bird Registration Fees (i.e. until October 31). Information on the conferences is shown below. We are expecting over 200 students at our Youth Day this year on Thursday November 18. Also, I include a special invitation from Douglas Roche as follows:

A very special meeting to organize a National Culture of Peace Program in Canada will be held November 21-23, 2004 at McMaster University, Hamilton, and you are cordially invited to attend or to send a delegate.

This will be an opportunity to set in motion plans to develop in Canada a Culture of Peace Program as first set out by UNESCO, which defined a culture of peace as an approach to life that seeks to transform the cultural tendencies toward war and violence into a culture where dialogue, respect and fairness govern social relations. An exciting idea of great potential, the culture of peace seeks to replace the culture of war. There are important roles for government, education, religion, civil society, women, industry, media, youth, to name just a few components of society.

In conjunction with the annual Peace Education Conference (November 19-21), the Culture of Peace Program Meeting will open November 21 at 4 p.m. and continue to 5:00 pm November 23. Your presence at this ground-breaking meeting can be a vital contribution to new Canadian strategies. For more information, see http://www.peace.ca/nationalcultureofpeace2004.htm or contact Bob Stewart stewartr@peace.ca (telephone 1-800-574-7126).

Hon. Douglas Roche, O.C.
http://www.douglasroche.ca

*************************
The National Culture of Peace Program Symposium will be of particular interest to those organizations and individuals wishing to advance their programs within a framework of the United Nations Culture of Peace Program (eg. the Hague Appeal for Peace 50 agenda areas, including human security, gender issues, religion, racism and tolerance, human rights and responsibilities, U.N. reform, sustainable development and ecology, justice, corporate and other ethics, conflict transformation, education, healthy communities, globalization, foreign affairs, national defence, international peace, etc.)

----- Original Message -----
From: Robert Stewart
To: Robert Stewart
Sent: Tuesday, October 12, 2004 2:36 AM
Subject: Annual Peace Education Conferences in Canada at McMaster Nov 15 - 23, 2004
I would like to take this opportunity to bring you up to date with the developments, and invite your feedback, etc. This year we have expanded the program and we are hosting 3 major upcoming events at Mac:

1. Peace and Leadership 3-day workshop November 15 - 17, 2004 http://www.peace.ca/leadershipworkshop.htm ,

2. Third Annual Peace Education Conference in Canada November 18 - 21, 2004 http://www.peace.ca/CanadianAgenda2004.htm , followed by a

3. National Culture of Peace Program Symposium November 21 - 23, 2004 http://www.peace.ca/nationalcultureofpeace2004.htm .

As you might imagine, it has taken some effort to put together programs that I think will catch people's interest, and provide good value to participants in terms of benefits (eg. educational, networking, information, action planning, etc.). Leadership in our countries' governments, peace and other organizations, and peace education leadership is of vital importance in building a Culture of Peace, as is the initiation of a National Culture of Peace Program. So you have a lot more to choose from this year. I have also attached a copy of our latest press release below.

I hope that you will be able to join us again this year, and help advance peace education in Canada.

I would appreciate any assistance that you can provide in spreading word about our conference. It is an excellent event.

I would be pleased to respond to any questions or provide further information.

Regards,
Bob Stewart
http://www.peace.ca
ANNUAL PEACE EDUCATION CONFERENCE IN CANADA http://www.peace.ca/CanadianAgenda2004.htm

"The world is dangerous not because of those who do harm, but because of those who look at it without doing anything." - Albert Einstein

WHAT FUTURE WILL YOU CREATE?

Making an Impact: Your gift to the Canadian Peace Education Foundation will do much to reduce the human cost of violence in our communities and world through education about peace and the future in classrooms. Your gift will have a critical impact on future generations. You will enable youngsters to widen their sights by exploring alternate paths to transforming conflicts and building a better world. Gifts of cash, securities, and planned gifts are welcome and may be sent to the Canadian Peace Education Foundation, Box 70, Okotoks, AB, Canada, T1S 1A4. For more information, visit the website at http://www.peace.ca/foundation.htm
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Press Release
Peace Education Conference brings International attention to McMaster University

HAMILTON, ON, October 7, 2004 – If there is to be peace in our time, it is up to the educators to teach it to future generations. Of course, who will teach the educators? This is the main purpose behind the Third Annual Peace Education Conference in Canada at McMaster University, presented by the Canadian Centres for Teaching Peace this November.

This four-day conference has been a much-needed gathering place for the last two years – for not only peace researchers, educators, and activists – but people from all backgrounds, who recognize that the responsibility to cultivate a culture of peace in society belongs to all. Participants in the past have ranged from those who live in residence at McMaster to guests flying in from places as remote and distant as Cyprus.

This year’s conference is preceded by a three-day “Leadership and Peace Workshop” and is followed by a two-day “National Culture of Peace & Canadian Peace Initiative Symposium” totalling an unprecedented nine-day period of peace education seminars, discussions, workshops, and more.

Previous years’ conferences have led to the initiation of provincial and regional conferences across Canada over the last two years. Guest speakers have included: David Adams (http://www.culture-of-peace.info/adams.html), Shall Sinha (http://ssinha.com/bioss.htm), and Senator Douglas Roche (http://www.douglasroche.ca/) – all of whom are returning this year, with many other speakers.

Not only are established peace researchers and established educators attending, but many students from across the country attend, including many McMaster students from its undergraduate Peace Studies programme. “Two years ago, this conference sold me on my decision to go into peace studies at McMaster”, says Rob Porter, a Mac student in Honours Peace Studies and Theatre & Film Studies. “The conference attracts the international theorists and activists that helped craft peace studies into an academic discipline, who conceived the materials we read from first year and on in peace studies – and meeting them is an amazing experience.”

The conference has been organized by the leadership of Robert Stewart, a McMaster alumnus who graduated in 1973 with a Bachelor of Commerce. He is now a Chartered Accountant in public practice and Certified Management Consultant who has held many senior management positions in business and government over the past 31 years. Robert developed his 'passion for peace' through his membership in the Rotary Clubs.

“I believe we could easily have over 500 participants this year”, says Stewart, who since founding the Canadian Centres for Teaching Peace (CCTP) in 1997, has devoted himself to using his professional skills as a general manager and information manager to help advance peace education in Canada and internationally. “Promotion is where we need the most help right now…our conferences are really good, but they are still relatively unknown to the many who would be interested in coming.”

The Third Annual Conference on Peace Education in Canada will run from November 18 through 21, preceded by the Leadership and Peace Workshop from November 15 through 17, and followed by the National Culture of Peace & Canadian Peace Initiative Symposium from November 21 through 23.

Early-bird registration is $200 (or $25 for students, $50 for retirees) if submitted before October 31, 2004. Fees are used to pay the costs of the conference, and any surplus is contributed to the Canadian Peace Education Foundation to support future peace education efforts. Participants (*) will be also given a complimentary copy of Senator Douglas Roche’s book, The Human Right to Peace – regarded by CCTP as a must-read for all peace educators.

For those interested, more information can be obtained on the CCTP website at http://www.peace.ca/, or by contacting Bob Stewart at stewartr@peace.ca or the McMaster Peace and Conflict Students’ Society at pacs@mcmaster.ca.
-----30-----
(*) - participants paying $200

Dear All!
Please see a message from Professor Teun A. van Dijk further down, providing us with a bibliography on Hate Groups and Discourse.
Most warmly!
Evelin

HATE GROUPS AND DISCOURSE
A brief bibliography

FOR THE DISCOURS AND CRITICS-L LISTS

Given the interest in 'hate speech' -- the usual (also the legal) term, although I would prefer 'hate discourse' -- here is a brief bibliography on the topic culled from my own BB (Big Bibliography) -- by a restricted search for the notion of 'hate'.

The references are rather broadly selected, that is, they also include more general books and articles on hate groups, which however may feature chapters or sections about 'hate speech'.

Although featuring references on racism, anti-semitism, anti-feminist, or anti-gay/lesbian, etc. discrimination in general, this is obviously not a general bibliography on these topics. Such a bibliography would be enormous. See the Resources section of my homepage (address below) for related bibliographies, e.g. on racism and discourse/media, etc., also for my own work on racist discourse.

I would like to take the opportunity to emphasize that in my view a study of 'hate' - as an emotion -- should not mean to imply that racism, antisemitism, sexism, etc. are really a problem of personal 'prejudice' or emotions. On the contrary, racist, sexist etc. discrimination, exclusion, and ideologies are not 'emotional' or personal, but group based and often quite 'rational' -- for instance as a means to maintain or establish domination.

The crucial terms here are power abuse and social ineqality, not (personal) emotion. This does not mean that individual social actors may not occasionally engage in group-based forms of discrimination, exclusion, violence or prejudice with situational emotions of hate. The point however is to distinguish between (momentaneous) personal, contextual emotions of hate, on the one hand, and more permanent, socially shared, negative evaluations (attitudes, social representations, ideologies, etc.) about out-groups, on the other hand. Group domination is structurally based on such group ideologies, not on personal emotions, which may or may not be relevant in racist, sexist, etc. interaction.

Hence it is usually more appropriate to speak about, for instance, "discriminatory discourse" than about "hate speech".

I shall post this bibliography also on my homepage -- so as to be of use also later and for others than the subscribers to this list.

Teun
______________________________
Teun A. van Dijk
Universitat Pompeu Fabra
Departament de Traducció i Filologia
Rambla 30
08002 Barcelona
España
E-mail: teun@discourse-in-society.org
Internet: www.discourse-in-society.org

Hate Groups and Discourse.doc
Version 1.0. October 19, 2004
Teun A. van Dijk

Able, D. (1995). Hate groups. Springfield, NJ: Enslow.

Ahlmark, P. (1993). Det Eviga hatet om nynazism, antisemitism, och Radio Islam. (Stockholm): A. Bonnier.
Alibrandi, T., & Wassmuth, B. (1999). Hate is my neighbor. Ellensburg, WA: Stand Together Publishers.

Allport, G. W. (1992). The nature of hatred. In Robert M. Baird, & Stuart E. Rosenbaum (Eds.), Bigotry, prejudice and hatred: Definitions, causes & solutions. Contemporary issues. (pp. 31-34). Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books.

B nai B rith.. (1982). Hate groups in America a record of bigotry and violence.. New York, NY: Anti-defamation League of B nai B rith.

B'nai B'rith.. (1998). Explosion of hate the growing danger of the National Alliance. New York: The League.

Baez, B. (2002). Affirmative action, hate speech, and tenure. Narratives about race, law, and the academy. New York: Routledge Falmer.

Baird, R. M., & Rosenbaum, S. E. (Eds.). (1992). Bigotry, prejudice, and hatred. Definitions, causes and solutions. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.

Baldwin, N. (2001). Henry Ford and the Jews. The mass production of hate. New York: Public Affairs.

Beale, S. S. (2000). Federalizing Hate Crimes: Symbolic Politics, Expressive Law, or Tool for Criminal Enforcement. Boston University Law Review, 80(5), 1227-1281.

Berger, D. (Ed.). (1986). History and hate the dimensions of anti-Semitism. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society.

Bernstein, P. (1951). Jew-hate as a sociological problem.. New York: Philosophical Library.

Birnbaum, P. (1993). La France aux Français: Histoire des haines nationalistes. Paris: Editions du Seuil.

Blazak, R. (2001). White boys to terrorist men: Target recruitment of Nazi skinheads. American Behavioral Scientist, 44(6), 982-1000.

Blee, K. M. (2002). Inside organized racism. Women in the hate movement. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Bowling, B. (1998). Violent racism: Victimization , policing, and social context. Oxford New York: Clarendon Press.

Breckheimer, P. J. (2002). A Haven for Hate: The Foreign and Domestic Implications of Protecting Internet Hate Speech Under the 1st-Amendment. Southern California Law Review, 75(6), 1493-1528.

Brewer, M. B. (1999). The Psychology of Prejudice: Ingroup Love or Outgroup Hate. Journal of Social Issues, 55(3), 429-444.

Bushart, H. L., Craig, J. R., & Barnes, M. E. (1998). Soldiers of God: White supremacists and their holy war for America. New York: Kensington Books.

Butler, J. (1997). Excitable speech: A politics of the performative. New York: Routledge.

Bytwerk, R. L. (1983). Julius Streicher: The man who persuaded a nation to hate Jews. New York: Stein and Day.

California. (1989). Hearing on racial/ethnic tensions and hate violence on University of California campuses: UCLA Campus, Tuesday, October 4, 1988. Sacramento, CA: The Committee May be purchased from Joint Publications.

Calvert, C. (1997). Hate Speech and Its Harms: A Communication-Theory Perspective. Journal of Communication, 47(1), 4-19.

Calvo Buezas, T. (1993). El crimen racista de Aravaca. Madrid (Spain): Editorial Popular Jóvenes Contra la Intolerancia.

Canada. (1985). Hate propaganda. Ottawa: Library of Parliament, Research Branch.

Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police. (1996). Hate crimes in Canada: In your back yard : a resource guide. Ottawa: Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police, Police Multicultural Liaison Committee.

Center for Democratic Renewal.. (1992). When hate groups come to town a handbook of effective community responses.. Atlanta, GA: Center for Democratic Renewal.

Cha, V. D. (2000). Hate, Power, and Identity in Japan-Korea Security: Towards a Synthetic Material-Ideational Analytical Framework. Australian Journal of International Affairs, 54(3), 309-323.

Clarke, S. (1999). Splitting difference: Psychoanalysis, hatred and exclusion. Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 29(1), 21-35.

Clayton, E. A. (2000). Please don't use the "N-word" and other racial slurs! Los Angeles: Cultural Pride Heritage Books.

Cleary, E. J. (1995). Beyond the burning cross. A landmark case of race, censorship, and the First Amendment. New York, NY: Vintage.

Coliver, S. (Ed.). (1992). Striking a balance hate speech, freedom of expression and non-discrimination. London (Colchester): Article 19 Human Rights Centre, University of Essex.

Coliver, S., Boyle, K., & D'Souza, F. (Eds.). (1992). Striking a balance: Hate speech, freedom of expression and non-discrimination. London Colchester: Article 19 Human Rights Centre, University of Essex.

Cowan, G., & Hodge, C. (1996). Judgments of hate speech: The effects of target group, publicness, and behavioral responses of the target. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 26(4), 355-374.

Cowan, G., & Khatchadourian, D. (2003). Empathy, Ways of Knowing, and Interdependence as Mediators of Gender-Differences in Attitudes Toward Hate Speech and Freedom of Speech. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 27(4), 300-308.

Cowan, G., & Mettrick, J. (2002). The Effects of Target Variables and Setting on Perceptions of Hate Speech. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 32(2), 277-299.

Cowan, G., Resendez, M., Marshall, E., & Quist, R. (2002). Hate Speech and Constitutional Protection: Priming Values of Equality and Freedom. Journal of Social Issues, 58(2), 247-263.

Craig, K. M. (1999). Retaliation, Fear, or Rage: An Investigation of African-American and White Reactions to Racist Hate Crimes. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 14(2), 138-151.

Craig, K. M., & Waldo, C. R. (1996). "So, what's a hate crime anyway?" Young adults' perceptions of hate crimes, victims, and perpetrators. Law and Human Behavior, 20(2), 113-129.

Craighenderson, K., & Sloan, L. R. (2003). After the Hate: Helping Psychologists Help Victims of Racist Hate Crime. Clinical Psychology-Science and Practice, 10(4), 481-490.

Dean, L., Wu, S., & Martin, J. L. (1992). Trends in violence and discrimination against gay men in New York City: 1984 to 1990. In Gregory M. Herek, & Kevin T. Berrill (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men. (pp. 46-64). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Dear, M. (2001). The Politics of Geography: Hate Mail, Rabid Referees, and Culture Wars. Political Geography, 20(1), 1-12.

Dees, M., & Fiffer, S. (1993). Hate on trial. The case against America's most dangerous neo-Nazi. New York: Villard Books.

Delgado, R. (1996). Do Prohibitions of Hate Speech Harm Public Discourse? no: Such Rules Make Campuses and Work-Places User-Friendly to All. Insight, 12(24), 25-27.

Delgado, R. (1998). Are Hate-Speech Rules Constitutional Heresy: A Reply to Steven Gey. University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 146(3), 865-879.

Destouche, G. (1999). Menace sur Internet. Des groupes subversifs et terroristes sur le Net. Paris: Michalon.

Deutsches Jugendinstitut.. (1993). Gewalt gegen Fremde Rechtsradikale, Skinheads und Mitläufer. München Weinheim: DJI Verlag Deutsches Jugendinstitut Alleinauslieferung, Juventa.

Downing, J. D. H. (1999). 'Hate Speech' and the 'First Amendment Absolutism' discourses in the US. Discourse & Society 10(2), 175-189.

Ehrlich, H. J. (1992). The ecology of anti-gay violence. In Gregory M. Herek, & Kevin T. Berrill (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men. (pp. 105-112). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Epps, K., & Hollin, C. R. (1993). Authority and hatred. In Ved P. Varma (Ed.), How and why children hate. (pp. 136-154). London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.

Erlich, H. S. (1997). On discourse with an enemy. In: Shapiro, Edward R. (Ed.), The inner world in the outer world: Psychoanalytic perspectives. (pp. 123-142). New Haven, CT, USA: Yale University Press.

Farber, B. M. (1997). From marches to modems. A report on organized hate in Metropolitan Toronto. Toronto: METRO, Access and Equity Centre.

Ferber, A. L. (Ed.). (2004). Home-grown hate. Gender and organized racism. New York: Routledge.

Fiebig-von Hase, R. (Ed.). (1997). Enemy images in American history. Providence, RI: Berghahn Books.

Fitness, J., & Fletcher, G. J. O. (1993). Love, Hate, Anger, and Jealousy in Close Relationships: A Prototype and Cognitive Appraisal Analysis. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65(5), 942-958.

FitzGerald, M., & Hale, C. (1996). Ethnic minorities: Victimisation and racial harassment : findings from the 1988 and 1992 British crime surveys. London: Home Office, Research and Statistics Directorate.

Flint, C. (Ed.). (2003). Spaces of hate. Geographies of hate and intolerance in the United States of America. New York: Routledge.

Freedman, M. H. (Ed.). (1995). Group defamation and freedom of speech the relationship between language and violence. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.

Fullerton, M. (1995). Germany for Germans: Xenophobia and racist violence in Germany. New York: Human Rights Watch.

Gahagan, C. R. (2000). Why should I be called nigger? Oakland, CA: GLion Publishing.

Gates, H. L. (1994). Speaking of race, speaking of sex: Hate speech, civil rights, and civil liberties. New York: New York University Press.

Gelber, K. (2000). Hate Crimes: Public-Policy Implications of the Inclusion of Gender. Australian Journal of Political Science, 35(2), 275-289.

Gilens, M. (1999). Why Americans hate welfare: Race, media, and the politics of antipoverty policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Gilman, S. L. (1986). Jewish self-hatred: Anti-Semitism and the hidden language of the Jews. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Glaser, J., Dixit, J., & Green, D. P. (2002). Studying Hate Crime with the Internet: What Makes Racists Advocate Racial Violence. Journal of Social Issues, 58(1), 177-193.

Gott, K. D. (1965). Voices of hate. A study of the Australian League of Rights and its director, Eric D. Butler. (Melbourne: Dissent Association.

Gottfried, P. (1996). Do Prohibitions of Hate Speech Harm Public Discourse? Yes: They Have a Chilling Effect on Scholarship and Freedom of Expression. Insight, 12(24), 24-27.

Gould, J. B. (2001). The Precedent That Wasnt: College Hate Speech Codes and the 2 Faces of Legal Compliance. Law & Society Review, 35(2), 345-392.

Grattet, R., Jenness, V., & Curry, T. R. (1998). The Homogenization and Differentiation of Hate Crime Law in the United-States, 1978 to 1995: Innovation and Diffusion in the Criminalization of Bigotry. American Sociological Review, 63(2), 286-307.

Green, D. P., Glaser, J., & Rich, A. (1998). From Lynching to Gay Bashing: The Elusive Connection Between Economic-Conditions and Hate Crime. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75(1), 82-92.

Greenberg, S. (Ed.). (1998). Hate thy neighbour: The dividing lines of race and culture. London: Camden Press.

Greenspan, L. I. (Ed.). (1993). Under the shadow of Weimar democracy, law, and racial incitement in six countries. Westport, Conn.: Praeger.

Grimstad, W. N. (1999). Talk about hate. A brief for the defense in the new era of thought crime trials. (S.l.): Council on Hate Crimes Injustice.

Gutiérrez-Jones, C. S. (2001). Critical race narratives: A study of race, rhetoric, and injury. New York: New York University Press.

Heinrichs, A. (2002). The Ku Klux Klan. A hooded brotherhood. Chanhassen, MN: Child's World.

Herek, G. M. (1992). Psychological heterosexism and anti-gay violence: The social psychology of bigotry and bashing. In Gregory M. Herek, & Kevin T. Berrill (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men. (pp. 149-169). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Herek, G. M. (1992). The social context of hate crimes: Notes on cultural heterosexism. In Gregory M. Herek, & Kevin T. Berrill (Eds.), Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men. (pp. 89-104). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Herek, G. M., & Berrill, K. T. (Eds.). (1992). Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbians and gay men. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Higgins, R. (1993). Hate in nursery rhymes: Captive audience; essential message. In Ved P. Varma (Ed.), How and why children hate. (pp. 1-16). London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.

Hoffman, D. S. (1996). The web of hate: Extremists exploit the Internet. New York, NY: Anti-Defamation League.

Husselbee, L. P., & Elliott, L. (2002). Looking Beyond Hate: How National and Regional Newspapers Framed Hate Crimes in Jasper, Texas, and Laramie, Wyoming. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 79(4), 833-852.

IG Medien.. (1996). Materialien zum rassistischen Brandanschlag in Lübeck. Wie Opfer zu Tätern gemacht werden : Für die gewerkschaftliche Arbeit und die interessierte Öffentlichkeit. Saarbrücken: IG-Medien-Jugend Rheinland-Pfalz/Saar.

Jenness, V. (1999). Managing Differences and Making Legislation: Social-Movements and the Racialization, Sexualization, and Gendering of Federal Hate Crime Law in the Us, 1985-1998. Social Problems, 46(4), 548-571.

Jenness, V., & Broad, K. (1997). Hate crimes: New social movements and the politics of violence. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.

Johnson, S. D., & Byers, B. D. (2003). Attitudes Toward Hate Crime Laws. Journal of Criminal Justice, 31(3), 227-235.

Jukes, A. (1993). Why men hate women. London: Free Association Books.

Kaplan, J. (Ed.). (1998). Nation and race the developing Euro-American racist subculture. Boston: Northeastern University Press.

Kaplan, J., & Bjørgo, T. (Eds.). (1998). Nation and race: The developing Euro-American racist subculture. Boston: Northeastern University Press.

Keith, G. (1997). Hated without a cause? a survey of anti-semitism. Carlisle, Cumbria: Paternoster.

Kessler, J. (1999). Poisoning the Web hatred online : An ADL report on Internet bigotry, extremism and violence, featuring 10 frequently asked questions about the law and hate on the Internet. New York: Anti-Defamation League.

King, J. (2002). Hate crime. The story of a dragging in Jasper, Texas. New York: Pantheon Books.

Kinsella, W. (1994). Web of hate. Inside Canada's far right network. New York: HarperCollins.

Kleg, M. (1993). Hate, prejudice, and racism. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Kreger, C. (2003). White supremacy groups. San Diego: Greenhaven Press.

Kronenwetter, M. (1992). United they hate: White supremacist groups in America. New York: Walker and Co..

Lamarche, G. (1992). The U.S. "Hate Speech" Debate. Peace and Democracy News, 11(2), 35-38.

Landa Gorostiza, J. M. (2001). La política criminal contra la xenofobia y las tendencias expansionistas del derecho penal a la vez una propuesta interpretativa de la "normativa antidiscriminatoria" del CP 1995 y un análisis crítico de la incipiente jurisprudencia. Granada: Editorial Comares.

Landau, E. (1993). The white power movement. America's racist hate groups. Brookfield, CN: Millbrook Press.

Lane, C. (2004). Hatred and civility. The antisocial life in Victorian England. New York: Columbia University Press.

Langer, E. (2003). A hundred little Hitlers the death of Mulugeta Seraw and the rise of the American neo-Nazi movement. New York: Metropolitan Books.

Law Reform Commission of Canada. (1986). Hate propaganda. Ottawa: The Commission.

Lederer, L. (Ed.). (1995). The Price we pay the case against racist speech, hate propaganda, and pornography. New York: Hill and Wang.

Leets, L. (2002). Experiencing Hate Speech: Perceptions and Responses to Anti-Semitism and Antigay Speech. Journal of Social Issues, 58(2), 341-361.

Levin, J. (2002). The violence of hate. Confronting racism, anti-semitism, and other forms of bigotry. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

Mane, N. (1993). Children and hate: Hostility caused by racial prejudice. In Ved P. Varma (Ed.), How and why children hate. (pp. 113-123). London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers.

Marcus, L. R. (1996). Fighting words: The politics of hateful speech. Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers/Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.

Matsuda, M. J. (1993). Words that wound: Critical race theory, assaultive speech, and the First Amendment. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press.

Mellinkoff, R. (1999). Antisemitic hate signs in Hebrew illuminated manuscripts from medieval Germany. Jerusalem: Center for Jewish Art, Hebrew University of Jerusalem.

Moran, M. (1994). Talking About Hate Speech: A Rhetorical Analysis of American and Canadian Approaches to the Regulation of Hate Speech. Wisconsin Law Review (6), 1425-1514.

Murphey, D. D. (2003). Conceptual Issues in Prohibiting Hate Speech. Mankind Quarterly, 43(3), 335-352.

Nicholls, W. (1993). Christian antisemitism. A history of hate. Northvale, N.J.: J. Aronson.

Nockleby, J. T. (1994). Hate Speech in Context: The Case of Verbal Threats. Buffalo Law Review, 42(3), 653-713.

Pader, E. J. (2002). Space of Hate: Ethnicity, Architecture and Housing Discrimination. Rutgers Law Review, 54(4), 881-892.

Parish, T. S. (1988). The Love/Hate Checklist: A further report. Psychological Reports, 63(1), 294.

Perlmutter, P. (1999). Legacy of hate: A short history of ethnic, religious, and racial prejudice in America. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe.

Perry, B. (2002). Defending the Color Line: Racially and Ethnically Motivated Hate Crime. American Behavioral Scientist, 46(1), 72-92.

Perry, B. J. (1998). Defenders of the Faith: Hate Groups and Ideologies of Power in the United-States. Patterns of Prejudice, 32(3), 32-54.

Pierce, D. (2001). Language, violence, and queer people: Social and cultural change strategies. In: Swigonski, Mary E., & Mama, Robin S. (Eds.), From hate crimes to human rights:A tribute to Matthew Shepard. (pp. 47-61). New York, NY: Haworth Press, Inc..

Pinderhughes, H. (1997). Race in the hood: Conflict and violence among urban youth. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.

Porter, B. (2000). When nationalism began to hate imagining modern politics in nineteenth-century Poland. New York: Oxford University Press.

Rand, E. (2003). Hate Groups, Big Dykes, and Other Problems in Academic-Freedom. Academe-Bulletin of the Aaup, 89(3), 30-34.

Rappaport, A. M., & Rappaport, A. M. (Ed.). (1992). The tyranny of hate the roots of antisemitism : A translation into English of Memsheleth sadon. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press.

Rosen, P. (1989). Hate propaganda. Ottawa: Library of Parliament, Research Branch.

Schissel, B. (1997). Blaming children: Youth crime, moral panic and the politics of hate. Halifax, N.S.: Fernwood.

Shiffrin, S. H. (1999). Dissent, injustice, and the meanings of America. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press.

Sibbitt, R. (1997). The perpetrators of racial harassment and racial violence. London: Home Office.

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Dear All!
Please read further down a message from Professor Howard N. Meyer, entitled Give Law a Chance: Statement on The Evolution of World Order!
Most warmly!
Evelin

Below is a statement that was prepared for a conference
at Ryerson University (Ottawa), this weekend. I was invited
to come to discuss the book in connection with a conference
on "The Evolution of World Order." but could not go since
today is my 90th birthday.

The statement was already distributed to a Peace Studies
Conference held by a Teacher's College peace education
unit last weekend at Riverside Church NYC. I'm now about
to send it around to some other places.

Subject: Statement on The Evolution of World Order

GIVE LAW A CHANCE

Some remember the period of the Vietnam protests, when American activists
-- and no doubt someof their brothers and sisters around the world --
chanted and carried banners saying "GIVE PEACE A CHANCE."

That was, of course, intended to be recalled by the title given to this
brief statement. The phrase was not originated by this writer.
It was used for the headline on the front page of the New York Times
Sunday Book Review for August 25, 1990. The book under review was
"On the Law of Nations."

The book was written by United States Senator Daniel P. Moynihan
as the culminating effort in a mini-crusade he had been conducting
in lectures, essays and other publications. That crusade began
with the protest he and Senator Barry Goldwater lodged in 1984
asserting that the CIA action in mining the harbors of Nicaragua
was illegal, a violation of international law. (The mining attack
was part of the ongoing effort of the United States to
change the regime of the Sandinista government of Nicaragua.)

The fate of his effort was summarized by Moynihan in his book:
"In the annals of forgetfulness there is nothing quite to compare with
the fading from the American mind of the idea of the law of nations.
In the beginning this law was set forth as the foundation of our
national existence."

The charge of "illegality" was vindicated by the International Court
of Justice, informally and usually referred to as the World Court.
The action of my government in "walking out" of the proceedings
at the Court after Court rejected (14-1) U S objections to the Court
hearing the case filed by Nicaragua (echoing the Moynihan/Goldwater
demarche) inspired my taking on the effort of writing
The World Court in Action.

The characterization of my country's invasion of Iraq, currently ongoing,
as "illegal" by U N Secretary General Kofi Annan may be compared with
the charge made by Moynihan and Goldwater twenty years ago. The hostile
and/or indifferent response to the current accusation by my fellow-Americans
creates a problem of conscience. Peace activists and advocates and students
should have been bringing this home to the nation. Their failure to do so is in
large part due to ignorance that vindicates Moynihan's reference to the
"annals of forgetfulness."

The Nicaragua case is discussed and explained in my book,
THE WORLD COURT IN ACTION. This is not done in isolation but as part
of the story of America's large role in creation of the Court and later
relations with it. This is included in the history and description of the
functioning of the Court as told for lay readers.

I am happy to call to the attention of Peace Studies participants the words
of one reviewer of the book who appreciatively noted
"The subject of International Law is a missing dimension from peace history,
the history of U S foreign relations and international relations generally.
The World Court in action...makes a significant attempt to rectify this
state of affairs."

For the benefit of a Canadian audience I feel that I should mention a
chapter in U S/Canadian relations of a 160 years ago included in the book:
the case of The Caroline resulted from an episode in the Mackenzie/Papineau
insurrection during which upstate New York was used as a base.
The highly relevant and instructive result of that case
was a rule of international law that Daniel Webster for the U S
and the British (pre-dominion) Foreign Office agreed upon:
[regarding use of the military in self-defense:]
Only where the "necessity of that self-defense is instant, overwhelming and
leaving no choice of means, and no moment of deliberation is the use of
force legitmate."
(words that peace activists and peace students and peace historians should know)

Howard N Meyer

The Common Ground News Service - Partners in Humanity, brought to you by Search for Common Ground, seeks to build bridges of understanding between the West and the Arab World and countries with predominately Muslim populations.

Please note: The views expressed in the articles and in CGNews-PiH are those of the authors, not of CGNews or its affiliates.

**********

UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED, ALL ARTICLES ARE AVAILABLE FOR RE-PUBLICATION.

Article #1
Title: Why Muslims Always Blame the West
Author: Husain Haqqani
Publication: International Herald Tribune, Opinion
Date: October 15, 2004
Haqqani investigates the impact of propaganda in the Muslim world on the development of the "cult of the warrior". He suggests that "ringing alarm bells about an iron curtain between the West and the Islamic world without acknowledging the internal flaws of Muslim rulers and societies helps maintain the polarization as well as the flow of Western aid for the flawed rulers."

Article #2
Title: US shouldn't ignore Syria's new strategy
Author: George S. Hishmeh
Publication: AMIN.org
Date: October 21, 2004
At a time when most of the U.S. government's comments on Syria are negative, Hishmeh provides a different perspective. Based on meetings between Syrian leader Bashar Assad and Western diplomats and academics, he points out some indications that Syria has shifted gears and is willing to cooperate with the United States in the War on Iraq.

Article #3
Title:A holy month of spiritual richness and urgent political challenges
Author: Editorial
Publication: The Daily Star
Date:October 15, 2004
"This Ramadan is a moment of profound challenge for all Muslims, who face the ugly specter of being squeezed between three equally untenable and debilitating forces, two in their own societies and one in the West." This editorial urges Muslims to reclaim their faith's public identity from all of these unflattering influences.

Article #4
Title: Why we do not get on - and what to do about it.
Author: Steven Everts
Publication: ~~Common Ground Series~~ in partnership with Al Hayat
Date: September 25, 2004
Everts' article is the first in a series on Arab/Muslim - Western Relations commissioned by Search for Common Ground that has been running in Middle Eastern publications over the last month. He advocates reducing the barriers of ignorance through exchange programs that increase exposure and promote access to accurate information.

*********
~~NEW YOUTH COLUMN~~
CG News: Youth Views - In its work around the world, SFCG has come to recognize the power of youth perspectives. Because the conflicts in the Middle East and the tensions between the West and the Muslim world have a tremendous impact on young people, CGNews is launching a column dedicated to the voices of youth. The column dedicates a regular space for young writers between 14 and 27 to introduce their ideas into the global dialogue on building peace.

We are always looking for youth who are interested in contributing and we will work with them to pair them with other interested writers and assist in editing. If you or someone you know might be interested, please contact mshipler@sfcg.org.

The first article, entitled "Briding the Arab-West Cultural Divide" and written by Benjamin Quinto, founder and executive director of the Global Youth Action Network, and Kuwaiti university student Mohammed Al-Ghanim, sets the scene by looking at some of the ways youth are already involved in the Western - Muslim dialogue.

*******
BRIDGING THE ARAB-WEST CULTURAL DIVIDE:
Forging cultural exchange, media reform and youth participation in decision-making
Benjamin Quinto and Mohammed Al-Ghanim
October 26, 2004

A survey conducted by RoperASW for National Geographic in 2002 revealed that only 13% of American youth could find Iraq on a map. It's not surprising that young people in the US know little or nothing about Arab culture, Middle Eastern philosophy or the religion of Islam. Adding to this gap, most Arab youth get their understanding of American culture through the media and entertainment industry, which paints an inaccurate picture of society in the US today. Something must be done to bridge this chasm, and young people may have the answer.

The United States and Arab World are deeply connected when you consider the political and economic influences that come into play with the Arab Gulf and oil producing states. Were it not for the USA's dependence on crude oil (the United States being its largest consumer nation), perhaps the relationship might not be as contentious. Although some countries in the region do have a stable relationship with the United States, many other Arab states have had a turbulent one dating back to 1948, with the declaration and unconditional support of the State of Israel.

For over half a century, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has persisted, deeply affecting the country and occupied territory, as well as the region, feeding the animosity that has only grown in that time between the Muslim and western world. The underlying social issues, which may be common to both Arabs and those in the western world, are obscured by the level of misinformation and public apprehension each population has about the other; and these widening misperceptions are perpetuated by the media.

Those most directly affected by the conflicts in the region are, as usual, women and children, but particularly youth, who suffer the greatest impact on the front lines. Decades of conditioning have provided a fertile ground to capitalize on the despair of young people with little hope for the future, who can be recruited to fight for a cause that gives them a greater sense of purpose and value in society-as extremist groups have been successful in doing. The fundamental question is how do we effectively move a population from being the unwitting perpetrators of violence to becoming a positive force of youth-led development and peace-building, when the political culture does not encourage youth participation in the decision-making process? The answer is simple: when youth are afforded such opportunities, the likelihood of them making positive contributions increases exponentially.

The tragic incidents of September 11th have perhaps been the most significant turning point for the United States in examining-or having the chance to examine-its foreign policy, as it relates specifically to the region. When preliminary reports suspected that Al-Qaeda were the terrorists, later confirmed through evidence, there was a measurable increase in the purchase of books on the fundamentals of Islam and, most importantly, the call for Jihad or a 'Holy War'.

It is not the type of information Americans began to seek, but rather the fact that now, and unfortunately after such a horrific incident, America wanted to learn about Arabs and Islam. The events of September 11 also introduced a new thinking: "Islamophobia." Many Americans continue to be under the perception that Islam is a religion that evokes hate and anger, and that this is the claim for Jihad. On the other hand, few Arabs and Muslims believe that September 11th was inevitable, that it represented the ideals of their culture, or was congruous in any way with their political or religious ideology. If anything, those in the Arab region may have believed that the American people ought to have blamed their government's foreign policy, which continues to support Israel politically and financially and lately occupy strategic points in the Arab region.

The fact is that pointing fingers will lead us nowhere. This fear of Islam and animosity towards America can only be avoided if Americans, Arabs and Muslims are willing to build bridges between their cultures, and a common vision for the future. Young people may be closer to possessing the answer than anyone else. It is through their hope and idealism, their energy and enthusiasm that we can have the greatest chance of creating peace between the US and the Arab World.

Consider the successes achieved by programs such as Seeds of Peace (www.seedsofpeace.org), which for decades has created safe spaces and camps where small groups of Israelis and Palestinians live in close quarters for an extended period of time. They share perspectives, concerns, and their feelings with each other, argue or fight, and ultimately resolve their differences through a facilitated process. Experiences like these, and cultural exchanges between the western and Arab world, create a greater level of respect among young people through dialogue and spaces for learning.

Pioneering projects today, notably Chat the Planet (www.chattheplanet.com), through their Bridge to Baghdad and Baghdad 2-way television special recently on MTV, have created a unique environment in today's mass media for real, unscripted conversations that transcend borders of culture and geography. Yet it remains critical that these diverse voices be more accurately and positively represented in the media at large. With unprecedented instant and global communication networks, opportunities to connect abound, and are being exploited by young people. They provide a new avenue for fresh dialogue and a tool for outreach and organizing.

International forums and summits, as well as organizations like TakingITGlobal (www.takingitglobal.org), the Global Youth Action Network (www.youthlink.org), the International Youth Parliament (http://iyp.oxfam.org), and the International Education and Resource Network (www.iearn.org), help young people from diverse backgrounds come together to share ideas and move from conversation to positive action. Young people should have greater access to such opportunities-imagine the impact of high level government officials going through a process such as the one offered by Seeds of Peace-that bridge cultures and find a common path to ending hatred and violence.

Hundreds of organizations with thousands of members are working at the grassroots level to build understanding among young people in the region and across the world. By fostering and expanding these programs, organizing broader cultural exchange programs and increasing the channels of honest communication between youth and policy makers, young people today can become key players in the process of ensuring peace. Our present commitment lays a pathway to a future of non-violence.

**Benjamin Quinto is founder and executive director of the Global Youth Action Network, an alliance of thousands of organizations in over 180 countries. He is a 26 year-old US citizen with 8 years of experience advocating for youth participation, and currently resides in New York City. He acts as Strategy Coordinator for Chat the Planet TV.

**Mohammed Al-Ghanim is a 20 year-old Kuwaiti, studying Political Science at the Lebanese American University, in Beirut. He is the Arab Regional Coordinator of the Global Youth Action Network, an advisor to Grantmakers Without Borders and sits on the Youth Advisory Board of the United Nations Population Fund.

*********
Article #1
Why Muslims Always Blame the West
Husain Haqqani
When Pakistan's military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, warned against the descent of an "iron curtain" between the West and the Islamic world, he appeared to put the onus of avoiding confrontation only on the West.

The Palestinian issue and the pre-emptive war in Iraq have undoubtedly accentuated anti-Western sentiment among Muslims from Morocco to Indonesia. But the conduct and rhetoric of Muslim leaders and their failure to address the stagnation of their societies has also fueled the tensions between Islam and the West.

Relations between Muslims and the West will continue to deteriorate unless the internal crisis of the Muslim world is also addressed.

After 9/11, General Musharraf switched support from Afghanistan's Taliban to the U.S.-led war against terrorism. He has since received a hefty package of U.S. military and economic assistance and spoken of the need for "enlightened moderation."

According to an opinion poll conducted by the Washington-based Pew Research Center as part of its Global Attitudes Survey, 86 percent of Pakistanis have a favorable view of General Musharraf while 65 percent also support Osama bin Laden. Bin Laden is viewed favorably by large percentages in other Muslim countries with "moderate" rulers.

Quite clearly, some Muslims find it possible to like Musharraf, who is regarded by the U.S. as the key figure in the hunt for bin Laden, while admiring his quarry at the same time. The contradiction speaks volumes about the general state of confusion in parts of the Muslim world, including Pakistan.

Instead of hard analysis, which thrives only in a free society, Muslims are generally brought up on propaganda, which is often state-sponsored. This propaganda usually focuses on Muslim humiliation at the hands of others instead of acknowledging the flaws of Muslim leaders and societies.

The focus on external enemies causes Muslims to admire power rather than ideas. Warriors, and not scholars or inventors, are generally the heroes of common people. In this simplistic "us vs. them" worldview, both Musharraf and bin Laden are warriors against external enemies.

Ringing alarm bells about an iron curtain between the West and the Islamic world without acknowledging the internal flaws of Muslim rulers and societies helps maintain the polarization as well as the flow of Western aid for the flawed rulers.

Ironically, a cult of the warrior has defined the Muslim worldview throughout the period of Muslim decline. Muslims have had few victories in the last two centuries, but their admiration for the proverbial sword and spear has only increased.

Textbooks in Muslim countries speak of the victories of Muslim fighters from an earlier era. Orators still call for latter-day mujahedeen to rise and regain Islam's lost glory. More streets in the Arab world are named after Muslim generals than men of learning. Even civilian dictators in the Muslim world like being photographed in military uniforms, Saddam Hussein being a case in point.

In the post-colonial period, military leaders in the Muslim world have consistently taken advantage of the popular fascination with military power. The Muslim cult of the warrior explains also the relatively muted response in the Muslim world to atrocities committed by fellow Muslims.

While the Muslim world's obsession with military power encourages violent attempts to "restore" Muslim honor, the real reasons for Muslim humiliation and backwardness continue to multiply. In the year 2000, according to the World Bank, the average income in the advanced countries (at purchasing price parity) was $27,450, with the U.S. income averaging $34,260 and Israel's income averaging $19, 320.

The average income in the Muslim world, however, stood at $3,700. Pakistan's per capita income in 2003 was a meager $2,060. Excluding the oil-exporting countries, none of the Muslim countries of the world had per capita incomes above the world average of $7,350.

National pride in the Muslim world is derived not from economic productivity, technological innovation or intellectual output but from the rhetoric of "destroying the enemy" and "making the nation invulnerable." Such rhetoric sets the stage for the clash of civilizations as much as specific Western policies.

Ironically, Western governments have consistently tried to deal with one manifestation of the cult of the warrior - terrorism - by building up Muslim strongmen who are just another manifestation of the same phenomenon.

**Husain Haqqani is a leading journalist, diplomat, and former advisor to Pakistani prime ministers.

Source: International Hearld Tribune
Visit the website at: www.iht.com

Distributed by the Common Ground News Service - Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.

**********
Article #2
US shouldn't ignore Syria's new strategy
George S. Hishmeh
A new Syrian dynamic is slowly emerging that has the United States baffled. The initial official reaction in Washington has been cautious and mixed, ranging from the lukewarm "relatively positive" to the slightly warmer "little more positive," both expressed by none other than Secretary of State Colin L. Powell in the same breath.
For the record, for about a year the Syrians have been urging the Bush administration to speak clearly and pinpoint the issues that have divided the two governments, especially regarding the turbulence in war-ravaged Iraq, Syria's all-important neighbor.

Moreover, the Syrian leadership has repeatedly offered to resume peace negotiations with Israel, but these statements fell on deaf ears in both Tel Aviv and the Bush administration. Now it is unlikely to be considered since Ariel Sharon is preoccupied with his unilateral pullout plan from the Gaza Strip.

Typical of the administration's attitude toward the other key problem in the Middle East, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the Bush administration dragged its feet.
It allowed other groups, if not governments in the region, with sinister agendas to impose their policies, be they the Syrian Accountability Act or the devastating and bloody Israeli assaults on the hapless Palestinians and their wretched homes in refugees camps in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

The issues that divided the two countries include the situation on the Syrian-Iraqi border;, alleged money laundering in Damascus and the presence of Palestinian rejectionist groups in the Syrian capital. And lately the question of Syrian military presence in Lebanon has surfaced unexpectedly, if not threateningly.

Secretary Powell has recently told Al Hurra, the US-funded Arabic-language TV station beamed to the Arab world, that Syria's border with Iraq remains "very porous and we are still very concerned that the terrorists and material are coming from across the border."

Positive discussions
He, however, acknowledged that "we have had some relatively positive discussions with the Syrians over the last several weeks" during talks with a US military delegation and a visit by Assistant Secretary of State William Burns.

"And the Syrians have said they would work with us and with the Iraqis to do more to seal the border ... (but) I am not sure it will ever be totally sealed ... and we hope that this new attitude on the part of the Syrians will produce results."

Powell acknowledged that "the Syrians are doing some other things that are a little more positive with respect to (Iraqi) financial transactions and financial presence in Damascus." Anyhow, he continued, "we will measure Syrian attitudes in terms of their behavior, not just their attitudes."

But this Syrian diplomatic offensive is unlikely to show immediate results because the US is in the midst of a tight presidential race and, then, there are anticipated disruptive deliberations at the upcoming UN Security Council over Syria's presence in neighboring Lebanon.

In most assessments here by people within and without the administration, the issue of Lebanon would play a secondary role in the face of the Bush administration's new-found attempt to seal Syria's border with Iraq, an issue that will remain a top priority even if Senator John Kerry settles in the Oval Office next January.

In the meantime, a view offered after a just-concluded visit to Damascus and Beirut by two former ambassadors, Martin Indyk, director of the Saban Center, and Ed Gabriel, counselor at the Middle East Programme of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, has submitted a new and intriguing image of President Bashar Al Assad with whom they had a three-hour meeting.

Their assessment contrasts sharply with those of the administration, particularly Defense Secretary Rumsfeld's characterization of the Syrian posture heretofore as "unhelpful."

Indyk told a closed briefing attended by both the Syrian and Lebanese ambassadors here that "something is going on in Syria, and I think it's time for us here in Washington to pay attention to it, and also to test it."

He found President Bashar as "candid and open ... (and) non-ideological" and surprisingly not chaperoned by the ever-present Foreign Minister, Farouk Al Shara, who apparently was also asked to leave from an earlier meeting to allow the Syrian leader a tête-à-tête with visiting Assistant Secretary Burns, "an interesting indicator ... that Al Shara and others of the old guard are being systematically sidelined."

Wrong side
In Indyk's opinion, he thought that the Syrian leader "has figured out that he was on the wrong side in Iraq and has redefined Syrian interests to justify cooperation with the United States."

Assad seemed concerned about the "possible disintegration of Iraq ... and the way that could spill over and impact on Syria's own interests."

He continued: "I think the Syrian government decided some time ago to cooperate with the United States over Iraq, and was actually sending signals here of a willingness to do so. Not surprisingly, within our administration that triggered a fight and the usual paralysis as to how to deal with a rogue state, and so it took some time for us to take up the offer."

This new Syrian "strategic approach," as Indyk guardedly described it, has raised many eyebrows here because of the implications this could have for the region and Syria itself as seemed possible in the recent Syrian cabinet shakeup.

Whatever is up the Syrian sleeve, a new American administration cannot sit idly by and ignore this Syrian "turnaround."

** George Hismeh is an Arab American columnist based in Washington DC.

Source: AMIN.org
Website: www.amin.org
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service - Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.

**********
Article #3
A holy month of spiritual richness and urgent political challenges
Daily Star Editorial
The first day of Ramadan in most of the Islamic world marks the start of what has always been a very special month of deep spirituality, introspection, material self-control and religious piety for Muslims everywhere. These days, however, Ramadan is much more than that. This Ramadan is a moment of profound challenge for all Muslims, who face the ugly specter of being squeezed between three equally untenable and debilitating forces, two in their own societies and one in the West.

First is the barbaric militancy of a small number of Muslim terrorists who now operate throughout the world, using modern communication technology to disseminate and amplify their ghastly inhumanity, including kidnappings, bombing civilians, beheadings and other such deeds that run counter to every moral fiber and principle of the Islamic faith. Second is the prevalence of autocratic, sometimes dictatorial, governance systems in many Middle Eastern and other predominantly Islamic societies. Their thin veneer of participatory or democratic politics is outweighed by the perpetuation of power that is centralized in the hands of small groups of unaccountable people. These two indigenous problems that plague many Muslims are compounded by a clear tendency in the West, especially in the U.S., to fear and demonize Islam as a whole, including through using military force, economic sanctions, media misrepresentation and diplomatic pressures.

The vast majority of ordinary, decent, God-loving Muslims are uncomfortably squeezed between these three terrible forces - at once morally ravaged by the few criminal terrorists among them, immobilized by their own autocratic political systems, and politically assaulted by growing segments of the West. This is not a situation that can be allowed to persist. These tendencies will cause irreparable damage to the societies in questions, while sparking greater strife between Islamic and Western societies.

Muslims must rise to the challenge of reversing all three trends. This Ramadan is a moment whose spiritual intensity is matched by the great urgency for Muslims and Islamic societies to define themselves via their rich and humanistic values. It is tragic that many people throughout the world today would associate Islam with Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, Osama bin Laden and others of their ilk who are a great travesty of basic Islamic values. Religious leaders, scholars, public figures, media personalities, activists and concerned citizens in Islamic societies would do well this Ramadan to go beyond the basic tenets of this holy month. Muslims everywhere must start reclaiming their faith's public identity and global perception from those extremists and killers who have managed to hijack them in recent years.

Source: Daily Star
Visit the website at: www.dailystar.com.lb
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service - Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained from the author for publication.

**********
Article #4
Why we do not get on - and what to do about it.
Steven Everts
In the past few years, something has gone wrong in the broader relationship between the so-called West and the countries of the Arab and Muslim world. Distrust, recriminations and resentment have mounted. Minor misunderstandings or disagreements have taken on highly symbolic importance and fed the cycle of suspicion. When France passes a law to protect the secular nature of its state-run education system by banning religious symbols from the classroom, Muslims all over the world see an intolerant West, bent on denying Muslims the right to practice their faith. Conversely, when some Arab leaders react equivocally to Palestinian suicide bombing, many in the West see a failure to take a stand against all forms of terrorism, while most Arabs point to the suffering of the Palestinians and their valiant struggle to end the Israeli occupation. When terrorist groups in Iraq kidnap and murder European hostages and put the pictures on the internet, the public outcry is, understandably, visceral and severe. But commentators pronouncing on the background of these killings will somehow suggest that the words Islam, terrorism and fundamentalism are all inextricably linked. Meanwhile, for Arabs and Muslims, the most important images of the Iraq war were those documenting the degrading treatment of prisoners at Abu Ghraib, confirming their long-held suspicions about Western motives and behaviour.

How did we get here? The September and March 11th attacks in the US and Spain; the 2003 Iraq war and its aftermath; and the never-ending violence in Israel-Palestine are all contributing factors. But in a sense, relations between the West and the Muslim world have been on the slide for years. Lazy thinking and ignorance on both sides have created one-dimensional images of 'the other'. Too few have spoken out about the problems of stereotyping; the dangers of uncritical thinking and self-righteousness, and the urgent need to search for common ground.

In 1921, when Britain controlled Palestine and Iraq, the Irish poet William Butler Yeats wrote a famous poem called The Second Coming. It is a good description of the contemporary Middle East and worth re-reading for that reason alone. To paraphrase Yeats slightly: when the best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate intensity, the centre cannot hold. In the past few years, the metaphorical centre has collapsed, drowned out by voices of intolerance and conceit.

So what is to be done? Part of the answer is an attempt on both sides to take political risks and change long-standing policies. A genuine effort to bring about the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that we all pledge to seek but for which time is fast running out, would be a great help. So too would be a different US approach to Iraq and Iran, and a more generous European stance on visas and agricultural exports. On the side of the Muslim world, more honesty is needed to acknowledge the damage of decades-long stagnation and political authoritarianism, plus a genuine attempt to implement the reforms necessary to reverse these trends. The desperate need to advance the status of women and to ensure a genuine free press cry out for special attention and early action.

But such political measures, while necessary and useful, won't suffice. Arguably the biggest problem is that we know so little about each other. Most people get their information from the media. And when Western media do stories or films about the Muslim world, they tend to use the familiar templates of 'the war on terror'. The same is true for most Arab media: they too prefer to stick to the mental maps of Western hostility, exploitation and moral decadence. Despite the internet and the 'death of distance', few people actually travel from the West to the wider Middle East and vice versa. Even from Cairo, a political, commercial and social hub in the Arab world, only a handful of flights depart every day to European destinations. To compare: literally hundreds of flights depart for destinations in the West from Heathrow alone, which is just one out of five London airports.

More dialogue per se may not guarantee better relations, but it can help and would at least reduce the barriers of ignorance. Thus we need a dramatic expansion of scholarship programmes and workplace exchange schemes so that more people know about life on the other side. Europe has been transformed through political and market integration, driven by supranational institutions. But the most successful EU programme has been the Erasmus scheme, which gives tens of thousands of students the chance to do part of their university degree in another EU country. Similar schemes also operate for professors and other categories of workers. Together with low-cost airlines, they have probably done more for European unity than the deadweight of the common agricultural policy. We need a similar scheme to link educational establishments in the West to those of the Arab and Muslim world. And, why not, we must also explore the possibilities of introducing low cost air travel on routes to and from the Middle East. There is no reason, other than politically inspired protectionism, why a ticket from London to Beirut or Jeddah should costs twice as much as one to New York. The overwhelming evidence suggests that if people are exposed to more factual information and different experiences, they moderate their views and factor in greater complexity. We may still differ on many things, but at least we should get the facts straight.

** Steven Everts is a senior Research Fellow at the Centre for European Reform in London.
Source: This article is part of a series of views on the relationship between the Islamic/Arabic world and the West, published in partnership with the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).
Distributed by the Common Ground News Service - Partners in Humanity.
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.

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About CGNews-PiH
The Common Ground News Service - Partners in Humanity, brought to you by Search for Common Ground, seeks to build bridges of understanding between the West and the Arab World and countries with predominately Muslim populations. This service is one result of a set of working meetings held in partnership with His Royal Highness Prince El Hassan bin Talal in June 2003.

Every two weeks, CGNews-PiH will distribute 2-5 news articles, op-eds, features, and analyses that aid in developing and analyzing the current and future relationship of the West and Arab/Muslim world. Articles will be chosen based on accuracy, balance, and their ability to improve understanding and communication across borders and regions. They will also reflect the need for constructive dialogue around issues of global importance. Selections will be authored by local and international experts and leaders who will analyze and discuss a broad range of relevant issues. We invite you to submit any articles you feel are compatible with the goals of this news service.

We look forward to hearing from you, and welcome any questions, concerns, or comments you may have about this service. Please forward this message to colleagues and friends who may also wish to subscribe to the service. To subscribe, send an email to subscribe-cgnewspih@sfcg.org with subscribe in the subject line.

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Washington Editors
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What: Linking and Learning Programme on Budget Analysis & Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
When: March 11-19, 2005
Where: Alcochete, Portugal
Application deadline: November 15, 2004

THE CALL FOR APPLICATIONS FOR THIS PROGRAMME IS OPEN.
The programme aims to equip activists coming from human rights, development, social and economic justice movements and NGO’s, with the initial knowledge and skills to begin to apply budget analysis techniques to their ESC rights work, with the expectation that they will apply these to a specific project and/or initiate a programme within their organization upon completion of the course. The programme will be conducted in English.

This programme is organised by International Human Rights Internship Programme (IHRIP); the International Budget Programme (IBP); the International Network for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESCR-Net); Fundar – the Centre for Research and Analysis; and Dignity International.

For further programme details, see http://dignity.3pontos.net/doc/callforapplications_final.doc
http://www.escr-net.org/GeneralDocs/Budget_Call_4_apps.pdf
To download the application form see
http://www.escr-net.org/GeneralDocs/Budget_App_Form.doc

This might interest folks working for peace with justice, environmental safeguards, poverty reduction, respect for heritage, and sustainable development. Contact the International Institute for Peace through Tourism for further information about the two conferences.

October 2004
International Institute for Peace Through Tourism Newsletter

First Conference
3rd IIPT AFRICAN CONFERENCE ON PEACE THROUGH TOURISM
InterContinental Lusaka Hotel - Lusaka, Zambia February 6-11, 2005

Organized by the International Institute for Peace through Tourism (IIPT) In partnership with the Africa Travel Association (ATA), and hosted by the Zambia Ministry of Tourism, Environment and Natural Resources
Theme: Tourism: Pathway to a Peaceful and Prosperous Africa
Aim To develop a 21st Century Vision for African Tourism
Goals
• Provide a forum for leading government, industry, donor agency and NGO decision makers, as well as leading educators and practitioners, to debate and reach consensus on a 21st Century Vision for African Tourism;
• Facilitate the development of strategic alliances to achieve that vision;
• Demonstrate elements of that vision with “Success Stories” and Models of “Best Practice;” and
• Continue building a global awareness of Africa as a 21st Century Destination.
Conference Patron and Honorary Chairman, His Excellency Levy Mwanawasa, President of Zambia, will address delegates in the Opening Ceremony. Hon. Dr. Kenneth Kaunda, Zambia’s First President, will deliver the main keynote address.

Other Confirmed keynote speakers include, Conference Host, Co-Chairman, and President of the Africa Travel Association, Hon. Patrick Kalifungwa, Minister of Tourism, Environment & Natural Resources, Republic of Zambia, Peter Davies, CEO, SN Brussels Airways; Dawid de Villiers, Deputy Secretary General, World Tourism Organization; Sir Jayantilal Chande, Board of Trustees, International Rotary Foundation; DeVilliers Botha, Development Bank of Southern Africa; Hon. Zakia Hamdani Meghji, Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism, United Republic of Tanzania, and immediate Past President, Africa Travel Association; Ulrich Bunjes, President and CEO, International Youth Hostels Federation, and other travel and tourism industry leaders.
Participants
The Conference will bring together Ministers of Tourism, senior African executives from both the public and private sectors of tourism, NGOs, donor agencies, policy makers, leading educators and practitioners, entrepreneurs, future leaders of the industry, and senior representatives of related sectors including environment, culture, sport and economic development.

Forums
Special Forum of CEOs and African Ministers: A special Forum will be held to draw on the collective wisdom, ideals, and ideas of participating CEOs and African Ministers. This will be a unique collaborative opportunity for Ministers and CEOs to discuss the future of African tourism, the role of tourism in being a “Pathway to a Prosperous Africa,” the strategic partnering relationships required in achieving that vision, and key strategies and action steps for moving forward.
Educators Forum: As with the 2nd IIPT African Conference in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, the 3rd IIPT African Conference will bring together Tourism and Hospitality Educators from through out Africa to share knowledge, experience and ideas for future curricula development and educational initiatives that contribute to the role of tourism in sustainable development, reducing poverty, and building a Culture of Peace. The forum will also serve to continue building the IIPT African Educators Network as an integral part of the IIPT Global Educators Network. For more information and to submit a paper, please contact Amy Sotherden, Email: amy@iipt.org

Youth Leadership Forum: A Youth Leadership Forum will be held bringing together future leaders of the tourism and hospitality industry from throughout Africa. The Youth Leadership Forum will continue to evolve and shape the Action Plan established at the 2nd IIPT African Conference in Tanzania and determine the tasks and responsibilities for its implementation. For more information please contact Nishit Charadva, Email: ncharadva@yahoo.com

Foundations
The 3rd IIPT African Conference builds on the foundations of two previous Conferences: Nelspruit, Mpumalanga Province, South Africa, March 2002; and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, December 2003; as well as two Global Summits On Peace through Tourism: Amman, Jordan, November, 2000; and Geneva, February 2003

Program
In addition to Plenary Sessions featuring keynote speakers, the program will include a series of Concurrent Sessions with real life case studies of Success Stories and Models of Best Practice and Workshops in the following areas.
• Tourism Contribution to Poverty Reduction
• Community Tourism
• Indigenous Tourism
• Community Capacity Building
• Micro-Enterprise and SME Tourism Development
• Private Sector Models
• Tourism and Environment/Wildlife
• National Parks and Protected Areas
• Healing the Wounds of Conflict
• Philanthropic Tourism
• Youth Travel and Empowerment
• Sports for Peace and Development
• Cultural Tourism
• Education and Training
• The Media: Reporting on the Success Stories
• Making Travel in Africa Accessible to People with Disabilities

Call for Your nominations for real life, case studies of “Success Stories” and models of “Best Practice”
We invite your nominations of ‘real life’ case studies of Success Stories and Models of Best Practice in the areas listed above and others that relate to the theme of the Conference. We especially welcome contributions from persons who are directly involved as project directors of innovative projects. To submit your nominations of case studies of Success Stories and Models of Best Practice, please inform us of 1) Name of Project Director, affiliation, and contact information including e-mail, telephone, fax, and street address; 2) Title of Project – or Model of Best Practice; and 3) Brief Description. We ask that you advise us of your nomination as soon as possible by contacting Amy Sotherden, email: amy@iipt.org.

Special Message from Conference Co-Chair: Hon. Patrick K. Kalifungwa MP,Zambian Minister of Tourism, Environment and Natural Resources and President of the Africa Travel Association

“Africa is one of the most promising tourism destinations due to
its natural and cultural resources which to a large extent have remained unexploited.
We must join energies to meet the challenges of the future and
bring prosperity to our people through tourism.”

Outcomes
Outcome of the Conference will be the creation and distribution of a “21st Century Vision for African Tourism” with a focus on implementation of strategic initiatives and pilot projects that empower local communities to achieve jobs with dignity and sustainable futures.

Scholarship
IIPT will provide a US$ 500 scholarship to the college or university student writing the best paper on a “21st Century Vision for African Tourism.”
Papers of approximately 2500 words in length plus one page summary Should be submitted to Nishit Charadva, Email: ncharadva@yahoo.com

Sponsors
IIPT is proud to have the Zambian Ministry of Tourism, Natural Resources and the Environment as host of the 3 rd IIPT African Conference. The Development Bank of Southern Africa and the InterContinental Hotels Group are also continuing their support of IIPT as sponsors of this event. Organizations interested in sponsoring this event are invited to contact: Louis D’Amore, e-mail: ljd@iipt.org, fax: 1.802.253-2658; tel.: 1.802.253-8671.

Tours
Pre and Post Conference tours are being arranged by the Zambia Host Committee and Zambia Tourism Board.
JOIN US IN ZAMBIA: HOME OF VICTORIA FALLS, ONE OF THE SEVEN NATURAL WONDERS OF THE WORLD
We look forward to your participation in the upcoming 3rd IIPT African Conference on Peace through Tourism.
For more information, Contact:
IIPT Email: mailto:conference@iipt.org, Website: www.iipt.org
ATA Email: Africatravelasso@aol.com, Website: http://www.africa-ata.org/
Zambia Tourism Board Email: mwingacc@yahoo.com, Website: http://www.zambiatourism.com/

3rd IIPT African Conference on Peace through Tourism Registration
Early Bird* Registration fee US$ 150
Regular Registration fee US$ 190
ATA Members Only Early Bird* Registration Fee US$ 125
ATA Members Only Registration US$ 160
Student/Youth Early Bird* Registration fee US$ 10
Student/Youth Regular Registration fee US$ 15
Press Registration: All media are invited to cover the IIPT 3rd African Conference on Peace through Tourism in Lusaka, Zambia, upon approval of their press credentials. To register, contact Karen Hoffman, The Bradford Group, Tel: 212-725-8253; E-mail: iipt@bradfordmarketing.org for the Media Application. Proof of press credentials are required.
Please register at www.iipt.org
*Early Bird Registration fees are available until November 30.

Second Conference______
IIPT ANNOUNCES THIRD GLOBAL SUMMIT AT PATA TRAVEL MART
PATA Travel Mart served as a platform for the International Institute for Peace through Tourism (IIPT) to announce the 3rd Global Summit on Peace through Tourism. The Summit will be held at the award winning Royal Cliff Beach Resort, Pattaya, Thailand, October 2-5, 2005. In making the announcement, IIPT founder and President, Louis D’Amore said, “We are honored to have the 3rd Global Summit in Thailand, the Tourism Capital of Asia.

The warm and compassionate hospitality of the Thai people, together with their reputation for high quality service, ensures that delegates to the Summit will have a rewarding and memorable experience. I would particularly like to express our appreciation for the support and collaboration of the Thailand Convention and Exhibition Bureau (TCEB).”

The 3rd Global Summit will feature world leaders and statesmen in the travel and tourism industry as keynote speakers, as well as leaders from the areas of Culture, Environment, Sport, Poverty Reduction and Sustainable Development.

A series of Concurrent sessions will provide leading edge case studies of “Success Stories” and Models of Best Practice demonstrating travel and tourism initiatives that are serving to promote international understanding, an improved quality of environment, poverty reduction and sustainable development. The Summit will also address the growing contribution of sport to international understanding and development – and what more can be done in each of these areas through collaborative initiatives.

An Educators Forum, with leading educators from around the world, a Youth Leadership Forum, and a Young Professionals Forum will also be featured as IIPT continues to place emphasis on future leaders of the industry since its first Global Conference in Vancouver, Canada, 1988.

To further stimulate thinking among students of tourism and hospitality in advance of the Summit, IIPT will award a US $1,000 to the University student writing the best paper on

“Building a Culture of Peace through Tourism.”

As with the 2nd Global Summit in Geneva, 2003, leaders of the Youth and Student Travel industry will come together for a mini-summit within the Summit, as IIPT continues to develop strategic alliances with the major organizations involved with youth and student travel such as the International Youth Hostel Federation (IYHF), the Federation of Youth Travel Organizations (FIYTO), and International Student Travel Confederation (ISTC).

Pre-Summit events will include meetings of IIPT’s Coalition of Partners for World Peace through Tourism, IIPT Networks and Chapters, and IIPT’s International Advisory Board.

Exhibition and Convention Hall (PEACH), said “We are proud to have this prestigious event at the Royal Cliff Beach Resort as it will create increased awareness within Thailand, Asia and the world – that travel and tourism is more than simply an industry with economic benefits – it is a powerful social and cultural phenomenon that helps bring the world together in realization that we are truly living in a global village – where we are all neighbors with one another.”

The 3rd Global Summit on Peace through Tourism builds on the foundations of three global conferences: Vancouver, 1988; Montreal, 1999; and Glasgow, 1999; two African Conferences: Nelspruit, Mpumalanga Province, South Africa, 2001; Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, 2003; two previous Global Summits: Amman 2000; and Geneva, 2003 – and a series of smaller conferences and symposia in Turkey, Greece, Italy, Pakistan, Israel, Caribbean, United Kingdom, Australia, and the United States.

Peace and Good,
Jacqueline Haessly, Ph. D.
Peacemaking Associates and
The Milwaukee Peace Education Resource Center
2437 N. Grant Blvd.
Milwaukee, WI 53210-2941
414-445-9736
jacpeace@earthlink.net

1974 -- Celebrating 30 years -- 2004
Educating for Global Citizenship.

Value, Imagine, Promote, Protect, and
Preserve a Culture of Peace
for today and for future generations.

Bremen Peace Award 2005

In autumn 2005 the Threshold Foundation in Bremen will place for the 2nd time the following Award:

Crossing Boundaries / Breaking Vicious Circles * Bremen Peace Award 2005 of the Threshold Foundation for exemplary commitments for justice, peace and integrity of creation.

Again persons, initiatives or projects will be honored for a special contribution
in one or several of the following areas: Reconciliation, human rights, countering
racism, social justice, integrity of the creation, cross-cultural or cross-religious
communication. Award winners will be selected in the three categories below.
Beside the money award of 5000 Euro each for one of the proposed persons/initiatives the Threshold plans again a publication of a limited number of particularly convincing projects taken from the overall amount of nominations in an English and German brochure to draw the attention of a worldwide audience towards such peace work.

The Award has been assigned in 2003 for the 1st time. The Award Winners in 2003 have been Weronika Sakowska (Refugee help in Ruanda), "Parents Circle" (Reconciliation work in the Near East) and Hans Count of Sponeck (Resistance against the Iraq war). The Award Winners and 26 other proposals have been documented in a brochure "Courageously Crossing Thresholds".

The awards ceremony will be in presence of the award winners November 2005 in Bremen.

Invitation for proposals in category A: Award for the Unknown Peace Worker
This category targets at little known, small initiatives/projects, but also at committed single persons working in the fields above with special emphasis for unconventional initiatives at the grassroots level of peace work.

Invitation for proposals in Category B: Award for Exemplary Initiatives
In this category we seek for initiatives or organizations with exemplary commitment for the aims of the Threshold Peace Award described above.

Invitations for Proposals in Category C: Award for public contributions for justice, peace and integrity of creation. In this category an award will be given to persons in the public, who have shown sustainable and courageous commitment for peace and justice, like journalists or academics but also politicians or artists.

In category A persons and organizations can nominate themselves, in categories B and C self-proposals are not possible.

All proposals must contain the following information:
- Name, email-address and web-site of the proposed person/initiative and the name
of a reference person (for organizations)
- Description of the proposal and reasons for the nomination
- In case of self-nominations additionally: Two external referees (with names and email addresses), which may be contacted by the Threshold for further information about the proposal

The contents of a proposal shall not exceed two pages. The proposal details must be emailed in German or English language (if possible) till 31 January 2005 to Dr Burkhard Luber at the Threshold Foundation(mailto:luber@dieschwelle.de).

Persons/Initiatives, already nominated for the Award 2003, can be nominated again for 2005, if new activities are presented which has to be documented in the proposal text.

All information about the Award 2003 (Call for Proposals, Award Winners, Award Brochure) can be seen at www.dieschwelle.de/content/englisch/peace_award.html. The English Award
2003 brochure can be ordered free of charge with mailto:stiftung@dieschwelle.de

More information are available at www.dieschwelle.de/content/englisch/index.html or
with mailto:luber@dieschwelle.de

Special edition, with speeches from the Human Rights House Network Anniversary Conference "Activists under attack. Defending the right to be a human rights defender", 13-14 October in Oslo.

1 Statement: Human rights defenders need stronger international support and protection
To prevent the perpetration of violations against defenders and the consequent worsening of human rights situations, the Human Rights House Network and the participants at the Anniversary conference in Oslo 13-14 October address national governments, regional bodies and international organisations, with a number of urgent recommendations.

2 Shirin Ebadi: - Dialogue between civilizations
- Human rights defenders are central in the dialogue between civilizations, said Shirin Ebadi at the opening of the conference. The Iranian Nobel Laureate emphasized that Islam is compatible with democracy.

3 - More hostile environment for defenders
- The environment in which human rights defenders operate is becoming more and more hostile, limiting the space for negotiation. Those who stand up for human rights often pay a high price for their courage, said Musa Gassama, Deputy Director and Manager of the Human Rights Defenders Office in Geneva

4 Colombia: Defenders regularly murdered
- In two years, 46 trade unionists, 6 journalists and 33 human rights defenders have been murdered in Colombia, said Carlos Ivan Lopera from Redepaz Peace Network, speaking at the HRH Anniversary Conference 13 October. Colombia is one of the most dangerous countries in the world, not the least for human rights defenders.

5 - Watchdogs needed everywhere
- Human rights defenders have a fundamental role to play in any political system. Not even one government can claim that there is no need for watchdogs that follow their actions and report about human rights violations, said HRH's Executive Director Maria Dahle.

6 Belarus: Activists denied the right to act
- Under the presidency of Aleksandr Lukashenka, Belarusian government limited political and cultural liberties and established close contacts with the world’s most repressive regimes in order to create a kind of world-wide antidemocratic international, said Vice President of the Belarusian Pen Center, Andrej Dynko in his testimony in Oslo, presented four days before the Parliamentary Elections in Belarus.

******************************************************************
More conference updates soon on www.humanrightshouse.org
Free of charge news and background service from the Human
Rights House Network, an international forum of cooperation between
independent human rights houses. It works to strengthen cooperation and
improve the security and capacity of the 70 human rights organizations in
the Network. The Human Rights House Foundation in Oslo is the
secretariat.

To subscribe, please send an email to:
newsletter-subscribe@humanrightshouse.org

More news and background on www.humanrightshouse.org
******************************************************************
Sent by:
Borghild T. Krokan
Project Manager/Editor
The Human Rights House Foundation
Address: Tordenskioldsgate 6b, 0160 Oslo, Norway
Tel: (+47) 22 47 92 47, Direct: (+47) 22 47 92 44,
Fax: (+47) 22 47 92 01
Website: http://www.humanrightshouse.org,
http://www.menneskerettigheter.no Website: http://www.humanrightshouse.org,
http://www.menneskerettigheter.no

1 Belarus: Crackdown on demonstrators, one journalist killed
Representatives of the Human Rights House Network condemn the crackdown on peaceful demonstrators, journalists and representatives of the political opposition by Belarusian authorities.

2 Belarus: Severe irregularities documented
In one statement and several press releases over the last few days, the Human Rights Center VIASNA documents severe irregularities in the recent Belarusian elections. This new information strongly supports the initial impressions that the elections were a farce, and that President Lukashenko has reinforced his position as Europe´s last true dictator.

3 Azerbaijani activists need Human Rights House, reads letter to Norwegian Foreign Minister
On behalf of about 15 Azerbaijani human rights NGOs Fuad Hasanov, a local human rights activist, delivered a letter last week to the Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Petersen, encouraging the establishment of a Human Rights House in Baku.

4 - Our job is to try to keep them alive
- Human rights defenders working on the front line are the ones who bring about change. It is our job to try to keep them alive and contribute to creating the space for them to be able to carry out their legitimate activities without fear of persecution, said Mary Lawlor from Front Line at HRH´s Anniversary conference ´Activists under Attack. Defending the Right to be a Human Rights Defender', 14 October.

******************************************************************
Free of charge news and background service from the Human
Rights House Network, an international forum of cooperation between
independent human rights houses. It works to strengthen cooperation and
improve the security and capacity of the 70 human rights organizations in
the Network. The Human Rights House Foundation in Oslo is the
secretariat.

To subscribe, please send an email to:
newsletter-subscribe@humanrightshouse.org

More news and background on www.humanrightshouse.org
******************************************************************
Sent by:
Borghild T. Krokan
Project Manager/Editor
The Human Rights House Foundation
Address: Tordenskioldsgate 6b, 0160 Oslo, Norway
Tel: (+47) 22 47 92 47, Direct: (+47) 22 47 92 44,
Fax: (+47) 22 47 92 01
Website: http://www.humanrightshouse.org,
http://www.menneskerettigheter.no

Dear supporters of our World Architecture for Equal Dignity project!
Please read further down the information kindly sent to us by Ishmael Jay Taylor.
Warmly!
Evelin

There was just recently a seminar at Santa Fe on building a domed roof in the style of Hassan Fathi conducted by Simone Swan and Jesusita Jimenez,
http://www.ecoversity.org/administration/programs/CE/04F/F4-21/ Overview.aspx.

The Auroville Earth UNIT in India has a very interesting website where they expand on the Nubian method of building AVD's (arches, vaults and domes), some without centering! The Unit is part of the the Auroville Centre in the State of Tamil Nadu.

Ishmael

Are We Stuck in Iraq?
By Shibley Telhami
San Jose Mercury, Sunday, October 17, 2004

George W. Bush and John Kerry hardly agree on anything, except that leaving Iraq quickly would be a bad idea.

Both the president and Kerry appear to believe that the United States can't pull out quickly because of a moral imperative (“You broke it, you fix it”) and because of fears that an early American withdrawal would not only leave behind an unstable Iraq, but also embolden militant groups everywhere.

Those are sensible reasons, but we haven't had a real national debate about whether the fears are exaggerated, whether the negatives of staying outweigh the positives -- and whether Americans can live with the consequences of staying put.

Even more important, though, our current debate hasn't fully addressed how broader American goals in the region will affect the decision about how long we must stay in Iraq. Those goals have historically included securing a steady supply of crude oil at reasonable prices and keeping a regional balance of power, which is also mainly about oil -- keeping it flowing our way and out of the hands of our enemies. Those goals have also included protecting Israel.

The truth is that, if we stick with our traditional assumptions about how to accomplish those goals, we will inevitably have to remain in Iraq for many years. But it's not at all clear that those assumptions still hold true -- or were ever true. Now would be a good time to rethink them and our policies about energy, Israel and the war on terror, before we put in place policies that commit America for years to come. If not, we may be destined to repeat the past, when we pursued strategies in the Middle East that solved immediate problems only by creating bigger future problems.

First, let's consider oil. Although the suspicion in the Middle East and in much of the world is that the Iraq war was above all for oil, that was probably not the main factor in the American decision. Nonetheless, now that we're in Iraq, the desire to keep influence over its oil will surely affect how our leaders behave. Complicating matters, the war in Iraq has left next-door Iran the uncontested regional power, which is sure to raise fears that Iran could gain too much influence in Iraq and the rest of the gulf.

The topic of oil policy has been largely ignored in the Iraq debate so far. But it will be impossible to ignore it forever, especially as other foreign powers -- notably China, whose appetite for oil is increasing exponentially -- become more interested in the Persian Gulf region. Forecasts show that by the end of the decade, China will import 90 percent of its oil from the region.

World's oil supply

Contrary to conventional wisdom, the gulf region is likely to be more important for the global oil market in the next two decades than it was in the previous two. The math is simple. The gulf region accounts for about 60 percent of the world's oil reserves, and is currently pumping only about one-quarter of the world's supply. It is only a matter of time before other producers begin running out and the Middle East accounts for a greater share of the world's supply.

In the past, the United States has used such arguments to bolster the case that it needed troops in the gulf. But is that true? Certainly there is much to suggest that the flow of oil to the West historically has been much more a function of market supply and demand than of political and military control, with some episodic exceptions such as the Arab oil embargo of 1973.

In fact, even in the days of the Cold War, oil producers sold to those who needed it most, regardless of politics or alliances. Europeans, Japanese and others who have a high dependence on the region's oil have always operated under the assumption that they do not need military or political control to have access to oil. Even pricing is mostly a function of market: If oil is priced too high, incentives to spend on alternate energy sources (as Kerry is proposing) increase, undermining the interests of the oil suppliers.

Those facts would argue against the need to maintain a military presence in Iraq, but historically, the United States has also been hugely concerned about the possibility that the region -- and so much of the world's oil -- could fall into the hands of U.S. enemies.

In fact, the Truman administration put in place a secret policy intended to deny the possibility of Soviet control of Middle East oil. The doctrine stipulated that in case of an imminent Soviet takeover of the region, the United States would blow up the oil fields to deny the Soviets the power that would come with control of the oil. In the 1950s the Eisenhower administration, concerned by the rise of regional powers such as that of Egyptian-Arab nationalist leader Gamal Abdel Nasser, extended this “oil-denial policy” to include “hostile regimes” in the region.

That raises the question of how worried U.S. leaders are about the increased power of a hostile Iran that could allow it to gain more influence over regional politics -- and oil policy.

Balance of power

U.S. policy for decades aimed to prevent any single regional power from dominating and had thus aimed at maintaining a degree of balance between the region's two strongest states, Iran and Iraq.

Throughout the 1960s and ‘70s, the United States sought to support the government of the shah of Iran to balance the regional power of Iraq, which was then backed by the Soviet Union. In the 1980s, the United States watched while both Iran and Iraq were weakening each other through a war that lasted for most of the decade.

In the 1990s, after Iraq emerged as a victor in the war with Iran and then invaded Kuwait, the United States waged a war that significantly weakened Iraq's army and improved Iran's position in the gulf. For much of the rest of the decade, the United States followed a policy called “dual containment,” primarily aimed at imposing sanctions to weaken Iran in order not to allow it to benefit strategically from Iraq's weakness.

One of the most important outcomes of the collapse of Saddam Hussein's government and of the decision to dismantle the Iraqi army (which was not seriously debated within the Bush administration despite the huge consequences) has been the emergence of Iran as the dominant regional power. Even aside from the important issue of nuclear proliferation that now frames the debate about our relations with Iran, the main question is whether U.S. leaders will accept Iran's dominance and pursue a conciliatory strategy toward that country or whether they will decide they need to come up with new ways to contain it.

This latter question is likely to focus on two options: an aggressive strategy to weaken Iran, including through sanctions and other measures, or a more passive strategy of containment that would envision an extended American military presence in the region in the absence of a regional ally capable of balancing Iran. Even if the United States opts for containment, that would argue for keeping troops in the gulf region for an indefinite period of time. The question then will be whether the United States can achieve the mission by keeping troops elsewhere in the gulf instead of in Iraq, even though some in Washington originally thought they could easily move bases there from Saudi Arabia.

None of those issues has been adequately discussed so far, but they will probably emerge as central issues in the debate after the election. Even the oft-stated reasons for staying in Iraq -- fulfilling our responsibility and maintaining our credibility -- could use some discussion.

For now, many Iraqis, including those who view the United States as an occupying power, appear to fear the greater anarchy that may result if American troops leave without someone else filling the vacuum. But we have seen Iraqi opinion shift over the past year and a half with larger numbers wishing for an American withdrawal. If the trend continues, we will have to ask ourselves whether the sense of obligation to stay will be replaced by an obligation to respond to popular Iraqi wishes.

Fighting militancy

That leaves the most tangible argument against early withdrawal: its consequences for empowering militancy. Certainly one of the worst scenarios is that Iraq would become a haven for international terrorist groups such as Al-Qaida, and that militants would interpret the U.S. withdrawal as a victory and use it to recruit others.

In the end this may be a winning argument. In addition, the implications of withdrawal for Israeli security will inevitably enter the American assessment. But staying as a way to discourage militancy should not be taken at face value without a debate: Which would be a greater rallying issue, the sense that America occupies Muslim lands, or the sense that America withdraws without victory?

Beyond that, history suggests that pulling out before “winning” might not always put the country that withdrew in greater danger. America's enemies, including the Soviets, did not attack the United States once we abandoned Saigon and bared our defeat. And Israelis are to this day divided about whether their unilateral withdrawal from Lebanon in 2000 was a good thing (it has in fact significantly reduced Israeli costs on that front) or a bad thing (some argue that it has led others, including Palestinians, to believe that the way to force Israel to withdraw is by militant means).

What is clear in all this is that no decision can be made about the future of American forces in Iraq without a strategic plan that fits into a coherent U.S. foreign policy toward allies, oil, Israel and America's global priorities. What happens in Iraq is important for its own sake, but the strategic consequences are far too important to ignore. Accepting old thinking about policy in the region may simply doom the United States and the Middle East into repeating costly mistakes.

SHIBLEY TELHAMI is Anwar Sadat professor for peace and development at the University of Maryland and senior fellow at the Saban Center of the Brookings Institution. His book, “The Stakes: America in the Middle East,” is now updated and available in paperback. He wrote this article for Perspective.

The World Affairs Council of Washington DC
together with the League of Women Voters and
the American Academy of Diplomacy

Brings you ... A SPECIAL TOWN HALL MEETING

"Beginning the Dialogue: America's Troubled Relationship with the Islamic World"

Where: Round House Theater, Bethesda, Maryland
across the street from the Bethesda Metro (red line)

When: Wednesday, October 13, 2004
6:30pm to 8:30pm

Who: Moderator John Donvan, ABC Nightline
and an expert Panel:

Hon. Edward Gnehm, a US Ambassador to Jordan, Kuwait and Australia, who raised the American flag over the US embassy after the liberation of Kuwait in 1991. He is currently the Shapiro Professor at the Elliott School of International Relations at George Washington University.

John Esposito, called "one of America's foremost authorities and interpreters of Islam" by the Wall Street Journal, among others, is the author of "What Everyone Needs to Know about Islam" and "Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam." He is the founding director of the Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding at the Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University.

Shibley Telhami, one of thE leading Middle East Scholars in the US, has conducted extensive polling on attitudes in the Muslim world. He is the Sadat Professor for Peace and Develpment at the University of Maryland and the author of "The Stakes: America in the Middle East."

Haleh Esfandiari, is the former Deputy Secretary General of the Women's Organization of Iran and a former journalist. Currently the Director of the Middle East Program at the Wilson Center, she is author of "Reconstructed Lives: Women and Iran's Islamic Revolution."

THIS EVENT IS FREE AND OPEN TO THE PUBLIC

RESERVED SEATING AVAILABLE FOR WORLD AFFAIRS COUNCIL MEMBERS

TO REGISTER: Contact Elizabeth Coira, Director of Public Programs, World Affairs Council of Washington, DC by email ecoira@worldaffairsdc.org, phone 202-293-1051, or fax 202-293-3467 with the following information:

1. NAME
2. PROFESSIONAL TITLE AND AFFILIATION
3. EMAIL
4. PHONE
5. MAILING ADDRESS

Dear All!
Please read a message from Ashraf Salama, Head of our World Architecture for Equal Dignity Project:

Download the full text of his Call here.

Rethinking Design Studio Teaching Practices
Between traditional, revolutionary, and virtual models
Call for Contributions - Open House International

Guest Editor: Dr. Ashraf Salama

The issue of Open House International (March 2006) explores studio teaching practices by investigating pedagogical aspects that associate different studio teaching models; traditional, revolutionary, and virtual. Research papers in this issue will introduce cases that shed light on paradigmatic shifts in studio teaching practices in the developed and the developing worlds. Papers may reflect on a wide spectrum of studio types including architectural, interior, landscape, urban, and community design studios. While some papers will place emphasis on creativity and social responsibility as integral components in studio teaching, others will explore dialectic relationships between contents, methods, teaching/learning styles; process-product mechanisms; problem representations vs. exploring solutions; competition vs. collaboration; and the tools utilized by studio educators to achieve their studio teaching objectives. Contact Dr. Ashraf Salama, Guest Editor at asalama@kfupm.edu.sa for further information on submission dates and guidelines.
------------------------------------------------------------

Ashraf Salama, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Architecture
College of Environmental Design
King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals
Dharhan, Saudi Arabia
Phone 966 3 860 2325
URL: http://faculty.kfupm.edu.sa/ARCH/asalama/
E-Biography: http://archnet.org/shared/biography-one.tcl?user_id=941&public_p=0

This 'newsletter' is being sent out as a new feature to provide regular updates to interested people about current additions to the Canadian Centres for Teaching Peace web site.

Beautiful pathways to peace - Website: http://www.pathways-to-peace.com/popframeset.html - a serene series of pictures, sounds and words of peace. It takes a few minutes to download depending upon your connection speed, but it is a visual treat quite appropriate for this Thanksgiving time of year.


Upcoming Events http://www.peace.ca/upcoming.htm :
November 5 - 7, 2004 - The third annual ‘Making Peace’ Conference will be held at Holy Cross High School in Saskatoon from the evening of Friday November 5th to noon on Sunday November 7th 2004. The conference will build on the success of the 2002 and 2003 conferences, which were attended respectively by 205 and 225 registered participants and many day visitors. The peace movement in Saskatoon and beyond was revitalized by those conferences. The keynote speaker (Friday evening) for this year’s conference is Setsuko Thurlow, a speaker of international reputation and a survivor of the nuclear bombing of Hiroshima. The conference ‘observer’ and closing speaker is Tasha Hubbard, a writer, teacher and documentary filmmaker whose work focuses on social issues concerning indigenous peoples in Saskatchewan. Local singer and activist Wilma Groenen will provide music for the Friday evening social. At the heart of the conference are a Saturday morning panel discussion on “Keeping the Peace Internationally” and 17 workshops, some of which are ‘The ABCs of Peace’ (this workshop is offered in French and English); Conversion from a Military Economy to a Peace Economy; Healing our Divided Community; Just Say No to Star Wars; Voices of Youth; The Spirituality of Peace; and Artists for Peace, which offers workshops on popular theatre, songwriting and music and visual arts for peace. On Sunday morning there is a multi-faith service, which was very well attended last year, followed by ‘Songs and Plays by Artists for Peace’ and the closing presentation by Tasha Hubbard. Registration is $40, $10 for students and low income. For more information call 665-2154 or see the conference website www.making-peace.tk . Contact Michael Murphy, Chair, Saskatoon Peace Coalition, phone 306-653-5636, email mmurphy@devp.org ; Mail address: #200, 506 25th St. East Saskatoon SK S7K 4A7

We are hosting 3 major upcoming events (now one month away):
Peace and Leadership 3-day workshop November 15 - 17, 2004 http://www.peace.ca/leadershipworkshop.htm ,
Third Annual Peace Education Conference in Canada November 18 - 22, 2004 http://www.peace.ca/CanadianAgenda2004.htm , followed by a
National Culture of Peace Program Symposium November 23 - 25, 2004 http://www.peace.ca/nationalcultureofpeace2004.htm .
All at McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario.

These are the most significant Peace Education, Peace Leadership and National Culture of Peace Program Conferences in North America. We also host a large Trade Fair with many booths showcasing Peace Programs and Resources, disseminating information, creating new networks, etc. Please come, and bring a friend. Our program provides excellent value for your money, time and effort - it will help you make more of a difference with your peace work.

Problem Identification Topics http://www.peace.ca/problem.htm :

Uninspiring and Shocking Quotes http://www.peace.ca/uninspiringquotes.htm :

"American military credibility has never been so high, nor its political credibility so low." Zbigniew Brzezinski writing in his latest book
"It cannot be in either the American national interest or the world's interest to develop principles that grant every nation an unfettered right of preemption against its own definition of threats to its security." Former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

Who's Who (World Level) http://www.peace.ca/whoswho.htm :

The Canadian International Peace Project brings together groups and people from a diverse cross-section of the community including faith communities, schools, universities, businesses, civic, social, government and other organizations, institutions and individuals to build partnerships and work together on projects locally, nationally and internationally on issues of ethno-racial relations, peace, conflict resolution, pluralism, community education, economic development, safety and security. Through its work, the Canadian International Peace Project seeks to promote mutual respect and greater understanding among Canadians and people around the world of different religious, racial, ethnic, linguistic, national, cultural or other definable backgrounds. The Canadian International Peace Project does not advocate nor promote any ideas or positions that will cause disharmony among any religious, ethnic, national, linguistic, cultural or other communities. The organisation seeks to constructively engage communities,